When leftist opposition leader Mohammed Brahmi was gunned down in front of his family last week in Tunis, the impact rippled throughout the region. The assassination shook the only democracy born of the Arab Spring upheavals that is still fully functioning.
Given the military crackdown in Egypt, the civil war in Syria, and the instability in Libya and Yemen, the Tunis killing raised a question the 2011 revolts were supposed to have buried: Is democracy suited to the Arab world?
Tunisia was supposed to be the poster child for Arab democracy, the country where the self-immolation of a frustrated youth sparked the first (peaceful) Arab Spring revolution. With its strong European links, Tunisia was thought to be the place where a moderate Islamist party, Ennahda, could coexist with seculars.
After Ennahda won a plurality of votes, its leader, Rachid Ghannouchi, agreed to keep Islamic references out of a new constitution and pledged to respect the rights of women. But Brahmi’s death, after the unsolved February murder of another secular opposition leader, Chokri Belaid, has stunned Tunisia.
“The country is in shock,” said Jerry Sorkin, a Philadelphia entrepreneur with long-standing ties in Tunisian business and political circles. “This is not a country like Iraq or Syria, where you have these types of killings.”
At a time when the Egyptian military has just ousted a president from the Muslim Brotherhood, and killed scores of his followers, the Tunisian murders raise more questions about the coexistence of secular and Islamist parties.
Both murdered men were strong critics of Ennahda, which also has Muslim Brotherhood roots. Ghannouchi has denounced the killings; the interior minister says they were committed by the same Islamic extremist. But many Tunisians wonder whether they could have been carried out by a radical faction within Ennahda. If not, why hasn’t the government tracked down Belaid’s killer?
Dissatisfaction with Ennahda has been rising over a lagging economy and delays in writing a constitution.
Sorkin says he heard many complaints about the government’s closing restaurants and coffee shops in the daytime during Ramadan. This imposition of religious norms has angered not only seculars but also devout Muslims.
“This has cost many jobs,” he said, “and I hear religious people say they don’t need to be told how to be observant.”
Tunisian feminists are also furious at the jailing of Amina Sboui, a young woman who bared her breasts on Facebook as a protest against hard-line Islamism.
Although a majority of Tunisians are observant, Ennahda may be losing voters. The big question is whether the party would accept electoral defeat. The Brahmi killing, however, raises the more immediate question of whether Ghannouchi can control his followers, or the radical Salafi fringe groups who have attacked a TV station, a cinema, bars, and the U.S. Embassy.
An Egyptian-style coup against Ennahda is unlikely, since Tunisia’s army is weak, and the situation hasn’t yet reached the fever pitch of secular-religious antagonism in Egypt. But tensions are rising.
The failures of the other revolutions are more painful. The primary test case for Islamist-secular coexistence was the Arab world’s most populous country, Egypt. That experiment just ended ignominiously, when the military carried out a coup against the elected president, Mohammed Morsi.
The most hopeful prospect for a successful Arab democracy remains Tunisia, where seculars and Islamists still talk to each other. A hopeful sign would be the swift, credible arrest of the killers of Brahmi and Belaid.