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A packed house at Convention Hall in Philadelphia on the last night of the 1948 gathering. (Associated Press)
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Philadelphia, July 14. – The South had its revolt against the Democratic platform’s civil rights plank shoved down its throat here today as the northern states, backing President Truman’s program, marched through Georgia and the remainder of Dixie. Delegates to the convention rejected the Southerners’ own states’ rights plank and substituted a statement calling for “full and equal” treatment of all citizens in employment, security of person and in the defense of the nation. Repercussions came loud and fast. The Mississippi delegation and half of Alabama’s twenty-six delegates stalked out of the convention – taking a walk. Gov. Ben Laney of Arkansas, bitter foe of Mr. Truman’s civil rights program, withdrew as a southern bloc candidate for President, saying if nominated he could not run on the platform ratified today by a majority of the Philadelphia convention. Some southern delegates quickly made plans to call a separate convention, nominate their own candidate for President and write their own platform.
The history-making political development, that may determine whether Democrats will be one party or two, rocked the convention just before a majority of delegates shouted approval of a 5,000-word 1948 “Roosevelt-Truman” platform.
It was a battle as spirited as any at Bloody Angle or Cemetery Ridge, even if it were fought in Convention hall with such uninspiring weapons as minority reports and roll calls.
Scarcely a ripple went over the convention as Senator Francis J. Meyers of Pennsylvania, chairman of the resolutions committee, read the platform, although he must have braced himself as he came to the civil rights cocktail with its watered down mixture of Southern bourbon and California liberal champagne. It touched on the president’s program, which has been so violently offensive to the South, only in the broadest and most circumspect of terms. It soon was worked over.
The minority reports which followed quickly demonstrated that, like most compromises, it was satisfactory to no one. The thunder rolled on both the left and the right.
Dan Moody, former governor of Texas, presented the Southern plank, which reiterated states’ rights as the traditional faith of the Democratic party.
“The federal government,” it asserted, “shall not encroach upon the reserved powers of the states.” The states, it continued, “must have the power to regulate and control local affairs and act in the exercise of the police power.”
He was supported by Cecil Sims of Tennessee and Walter Sillers of Mississippi.
From the opposite wing of the party came Andrew J. Biemiller of Milwaukee, agreeing with Moody that the platform plank was unsatisfactory, but for opposite reasons.
“It is not sufficiently strong,” he shouted, “for it gives no recognition to the courageous fight for civil rights made by Harry S. Truman.” The gallery, which made it clear throughout the debate that it was overwhelmingly in the civil rights camp, cheered and applauded at this, and delegates from all but the southern states were on their feet. In the center of the Missouri seats, a big picture of the President was exultantly raised.
The Biemiller plank, signed also by Mrs. Esther Murray of California and Hubert H. Humphrey, mayor of Minneapolis, read:
“We highly commend President Harry Truman for his courageous stand on the issue of civil rights. We call upon Congress to support our President in guaranteeing these basic and fundamental rights: (1) The right of full and equal political participation; (2) The right to equal opportunity of employment; (3) The right of security of person; (4) and the right of equal treatment in the service and defense of our nation.” … Sam Rayburn, the convention chairman, called for a vote first on the Moody, or Dixie resolution. In reply to a call from the floor for a roll call, Rayburn ruled that he would order one if desired by one-fifth of the convention, and asked that delegates stand to indicate their will in the matter. Clearly more than the required fraction rose in favor of it, and the roll of states was begun. It was divided almost exactly on regional lines, with “ayes” from the South and “nays” from the North. When Kentucky and Missouri voted solidly “nay” the gallery was jubilant, recognizing that they were not only border states, but the homes of the two conceded members of the party’s November ticket…. …The South lost the first round, 925 to 309, and probably thought that the worst had happened. A roll call then was begun on the Biemiller resolution. This time there were more splits in delegations. The struggle between party loyalty and principle seemed to be operating on delegates. Missouri drew some boos when it cast its thirty-four votes “nay” under the unit rule. At its caucus this morning the delegation had agreed to go along with the majority plank in the platform. When Wisconsin cast its twenty-four votes “aye” those who had been keeping tally knew that the substitute plank had won. The California delegation, always excitable, led the cheering, which broke out in even greater volume when the roll call was concluded and it was announced that it had carried 651 ½ to 582. By then it was nearly 5 o’clock and Rayburn said he would entertain a motion to adjourn until 6:30 o’clock tonight.
As he said so, the Alabama delegation members were on their feet, shouting wildly for recognition, pounding the state standard on the floor. “Mr. Chairman, Mr. Chairman,” they roared, but Rayburn could neither see nor hear them. He could, however, recognize a gentleman from Massachusetts, who moved to adjournment, and it was pounded through, leaving the Alabamans angry and frustrated.
And so the South lost the second round and the fight.
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